From as early as three years of age the little boys begin to play with miniature bows and arrows which their fathers make for them out of saplings and split reeds. Thus, they begin the life-long process of learning what will be their most important activity when they become men.
The men encourage their sons to begin perfecting their abilities to stalk and dispatch animals of the forest. The smallest ones begin by shooting plantain peels. As they approach five or six years of age their prey will become small lizards that appear in the bush near the house.
They learn to move with agility, waiting in absolute silence for the prey to expose itself, and finally to breathlessly draw the bow and release the arrow. As the boys grow older they will be allowed to accompany their fathers and gradually put their developing skills to practice. Despite the early 67 inception of training, it is not until they are well into adulthood that they become proficient at determining the behavior of the different animals and stalking and killing them.
Rami: Single-day Hunt The most common form of hunt is one in which one or more adult men leave at the break of dawn or even before and return mid to late afternoon. Usually at least one dog is taken along to aid in locating and sometimes trapping the prey.
An adult male participates in a rami hunt an average of about twice a week. As I stated earlier, those who hunt infrequently are either individuals who are not very successful or they are elderly and the more important men of the village. The areas covered on the rami hunt are limited to those from which hunters can return before nightfall. The average duration of the rami is about 6 hours see chapter 3. Generally, this one-day radius of hunting areas becomes very familiar to the hunter over time and rarely does he misjudge the time necessary to return home before dark.
Should a hunter not return by dark his village mates become quite concerned and sometimes send scouts to try to locate him. The Yanomami do not hunt at night except for short pre-dawn hunts in the immediate vicinity of the village see discussion below. They do not have any means of 68 illuminating the trails so hunting numerous nocturnal species is extremely difficult. This greatly reduces the options for acquiring certain animals, ones which many other tribes and acculturated Yanomami are able to exploit.
In addition, without lights poisonous snakes are a hazard and they are reluctant to walk the trails at night. When a hunter embarks on a hunt his principal objective is to bring home as much meat as he can. Although his greatest delight would be to dispatch a large animal such as a peccary or tapir he actively pursues almost all species. Therefore, from the moment he leaves the village until he returns his senses are alert for any game animal.
His preference for a larger animal is influenced by the fact that, in addition to the great amount of meat acquired in a single killing, he will be able to make a village-wide distribution.
The significance of intravillage distributions will be discussed below. Rami hunting strategies Before the hunter leaves the village he has planned well exactly which itinerary he will take for his hunt. The men discuss in the evening where they might go hunting the next day.
Different areas are evaluated, usually referred to by the creeks, the most common markers of the forest. Any evidence of animal tracks observed by the men and women on previous treks through the forest is exchanged. On the rare occasion when white-lipped peccary tracks are sighted the 69 headman addresses the entire village kauamou the night before the hunt, instructing the men to prepare to hunt at sunrise see Good, b.
In the morning the hunter rises early and quickly prepares his bow and arrows and checks his quiver for extra arrow points. He knows that if he should be so fortunate to encounter a peccary or tapir he will need a good quality rahaka point to kill it. He also keeps an arrow prepared with a bone point for most other animals.
Frequently the hunter goes with his sister's husband because they have developed a close cooperative relationship through marriage. All game will be shared even if only one person does the killing. Normally it is the hunting partner who carries and cooks and distributes in the village any large animal killed.
The hunter leaves on one of the 3 or 4 trails leading from the shapono. His plans are usually to cover a great distance, and if he is fortunate, he will carry home on his back that food which is the most desired of all those found in the forest. As he walks quietly down the trails his eyes move in all directions from left to right, up towards the tree tops and down on the ground. Normally after making this transverse walk he comes back to the original trail at a point closer to the shapono and returns home from there.
He walks upstream through the waters where many of the larger species of birds are frequently sighted.
Later he will relate to his village mates the itinerary of his journey in terms of this creek. Although the Yanomami have a very simple technology they nevertheless are knowledgeable of the habits of the various animals and develop keen ability to discern where the prey may be located.
Tracks are interpreted by age and direction. Droppings of arboreal animals on the leaves, or of the fruits they eat alert the hunter of the presence of game animals. As he moves along the trails, even though he walks with great stealth and the keenest of observation, he periodically flushes birds and other animals from their resting spots.
A hunter never shoots at a bird once it is in flight, so on these occasions he can do nothing more than observe its escape in frustration. On other occasions the hunter is able to detect a bird and quietly move in close for a shot. Even in these instances when a bird is approached there are other difficulties such as height in tree, obstacle to line of fire, etc.
Despite a life time of practice, the careful manufacture of bows and arrows, the numberless hours in the 71 forest in search of game, the chances of killing an animal are quite limited. Since many Amazonian animals are solitary or travel in pairs the Yanomami have developed few hunting strategies which require a concerted effort of a group of hunters. The one major exception is the white-lipped peccary which is most often encountered on the multi-day hunting trip to be discussed below.
On occasion, when there is a large flock of trumpeter birds Psophia crepitans one man will flush them towards a spot where several other hunters are waiting. The hunters almost always take a dog along because they are useful for locating game and alerting the hunter. In general, dogs are kept as pets, but their value is determined principally by their efficiency in the hunt.
When a dog flushes an animal or aids in any way in dispatching it the hunters always assert upon their return to the shapono that it was the dog that killed it. A good hunting-dog is highly valued, and its death is taken as a great loss.
It is cremated and mourned in a manner similar to that of a human death, although the ashes are not drunk. The dog's name, as in the case of all Yanomami, becomes unmentionable, and a slip of the tongue causes great pain and even anger in the former owner. The Shamath ari have acquired a reputation as good dog breeders, and their dogs are traded north via intermediaries to villages which have access to steel tools from the missionaries.
These tools, as well as aluminum pots, have become the standard items of exchange for a hunting dog Good a. Other more costly items such as shotguns and factory-made cotton hammocks are only obtained by the very few Yanomami who live near the missions. When a hunter kills a large animal he usually eviscerates it and returns to the village, terminating the hunt regardless of the hour. If it is a small animal he will continue hunting if it is still early morning. However, if it is about noon or later he quits hunting and turns back.
Undoubtedly the proudest moment in a Yanomami man's life is when he is able to suddenly appear through an opening in the shapono with an animal hanging on his back. As the children yelp and others comment, he marches quickly to his hammock, drops the carcass on the ground and reclines in his hammock with his hand over his mouth and speaks to and looks at no one. He stays in his hammock and feels great pride as 73 his catch is inspected and admired by the village.
If the animal is large, relatives gather around and heap praise and appreciation. Large animals are not seen in the village with great frequency. Although each person will normally receive only a few ounces, if any at all, they are always excited when such animals are brought home. Yaikou pre-dawn hunt. The vaikou hunt is carried out in pre-dawn darkness mostly by the younger men. Normally three or four or even more hunters using a few embers from the family fire leave the shapono in search of roosting birds and other animals.
Usually they do not go far and return at daybreak or an hour or so later. This is in part due to the difficult nature of nighttime hunting and in part because it lasts only a couple of hours and is carried out in the immediate vicinity of the village, frequently near the gardens.
Only rarely are other animals killed. Wevai dusk hunt This hunt is similar to the vaikou except that it is carried out the last hour before dusk in the immediate environs of the village. It is just at nightfall when the hashimo Tinamus sp. Henivomou multiple-day communal hunt The other major form of hunting is the multiple-day group hunt or henivomou.
In this hunt almost all of the adult men and a number of adolescents camp out in the forest for 4 to 6 days spending all of the daylight hours in search of game. Plantains are brought along for food, and provisional shelters are made for protection against rain. The major objective of many henivomou hunts is to procure large quantities of game for a funeral feast. During such a feast the lineage of the deceased person presents large baskets of boiled plantains and meat to another lineage, either from within the community or from a neighboring community, which participates in the ceremonies.
Therefore, on the henivomou, more than any other time, capture of large game is the prime goal. Of all the large game the most preferred and the most commonly killed are the white-lipped peccary. Nevertheless, any game is acceptable and the hunters are contented to return with a large quantity of meat of any kind.
Despite the great distance traveled, the relatively unexploited areas which are reached, and the large number of participants intensively hunting the forest, the success rate is rather modest. By failure, it is meant that there was not a sufficient amount to enable a distribution see chapter 3.
In addition to 75 providing meat for funerary feast purposes, the heniyomou also serves the purpose of simply acquiring meat for the community. Particularly when several weeks have passed with little success on the rami hunts, the people begin to crave meat and a henivomou is agreed upon. When such a hunt is planned the participants begin discussing it the night before and check their bows and arrows to make sure they are in good order. In the morning the men rise early, make final adjustments and tie up a bunch of plantains which will serve as their only food for the next 5 or 6 days, unless some easily accessible fruits or nuts are encountered in the forest.
Although the meat is smoked while on the heniyomou, only some of the internal organs are eaten. The rest is saved for the village distribution.
Some men take along a vine hammock thoo thoku while others decide to make one in the forest from the bark of a particular tree nari nat hD.
As they prepare their things to leave, others encourage them to do well. They abruptly stand and march from the village looking and speaking to no one.
The hunt is at the same time the most honorable event and the most critical for Yanomami subsistence. For days they have had a diet consisting predominantly of plantains with small amounts of other foods. The people have spoken of their desire for meat and how their children grow strong from drinking the broth. On this day the participants have decided to try 76 their luck at meeting this need. They know that their women and children will be waiting for them.
They know that the men who provided meat for them last week or last month will be pleased with their catch and that they will have the opportunity to swing in their hammocks as their catch is distributed about the village with a sense of fulfillment of their responsibilities as husbands, fathers, and community members.
Once the plantains and hammocks are packed the hunters begin to march briskly from the village, rarely speaking to anyone. The dogs are carried out of the house and down the trail as on the rami. This is done because the dogs frequently refuse to follow the hunters or turn back if let loose near the house. Later on they will be of great use for flushing out game and sometimes trapping animals until the hunter is able to shoot them.
For the first hour or so the hunters move briskly down the trail. They wish to get a certain distance from the village into areas less frequented. They are always on the look out for game, however, from the moment they leave the shapono.
In the late morning or early afternoon they stop to make camp. Everyone joins in making the provisional shelter as quickly as possible so that the rest of the daylight hours can be spent on hunting. The young boys who accompany their fathers and older brothers are useful for relieving the hunters of these chores. They gather leaves 77 for the roof and bring back firewood for the night. The hunters soon disappear into the forest to get a good start on hunting. Although the entire group might amount to 15 to 20 men, they go off in smaller groups of 2 or 3 in different directions.
The hunters believe that larger groups would alarm the animals and are impractical and inefficient for maximizing exploitation of the area. This is particularly true in that they will spend only one night there and move on in the morning.
The one exception to the individual hunting is when a herd of white-lipped peccaries are discovered in the vicinity. When a hunter comes across such a herd his first thought is to advise the others, for this is the single situation in Yanomami hunting which requires a group of men to maximize the kill.
The Yanomami have a very effective means of calling to each other in the forest. However, in the situation of encountering a herd of peccary the notification must be done with total care lest the herd be prematurely scared off. If a younger person is accompanying the hunter he will be sent running back to the camp to call any hunters who may be taking a break.
Others are met in the forest. When a group of at least 4 or 5 hunters is assembled the strategy is planned. One hunter is sent around the herd to drive it towards the other hunters. He must be careful, for 78 if he alarms the animals before he gets his position they will run in the opposite direction.
A young inexperienced hunter would not be given this task. If the hunters are fortunate, the herd will come stampeding towards the waiting group. When this occurs the greatest moments of excitement in Yanomami hunting ensues. As the herd of as many as 50 or more peccaries stampedes, the hunters dash about yelling and shooting at the leaders of the herd. Some scurry to trap or shoot the young peccaries unable to keep up with the others.
Frequently, a peccary is shot and keeps running. The hunter pursues it and may not return for hours. It is not until nightfall that all the hunters are back at the camp.
The meat must be cured as it will be a day or so before it will be distributed in the village and eaten. Storage of meat as well as any other food for the Yanomami is virtually impossible. Even the heavily smoked meat in the tropics lasts for only a few days before it spoils and becomes filled with maggots. The fact that the portions distributed to each person are small make it unlikely that any would be left of their share after two days.
In most cases all of the meat is eaten the same day that it is distributed. The length of the heniyomou depends on the hunting success of the initial days. If much game is killed the 79 first day the hunters will return to the village the following morning. This occurs very rarely, however, and was recorded only 4 times in henivomou hunts from to Most often it is not until the Yanomami get to the second or third campsite that they begin to sight and dispatch game in any quantity.
The first campsite is normally within range of the single-day rami hunts. By the second and certainly the third campsite the hunters have moved into areas of the forest hunted only on the henivomou.
The hunting yields at these successive sites get increasingly higher. Normally the henivomou lasts five days, but some, on occasions when the hunt is not very successful, are extended to 6 days or even more.
When it is time for the hunters to return home they rise early in the morning and begin preparing the packages of smoked meat to carry back to the communal house. A number of broad leaves are arranged on the ground and the meat placed on top of them.
With other leaves they tie together a bundle using vines pulled from a nearby tree. The package is then carried home using the inner bark of a suitable tree as a tumpline. The weight is shared by everyone, but all the meat will be assembled and distributed by one lineage to another during the funeral ceremonies.
The hunters walk quickly and while it may require 2 to 4 days to arrive at the most distant campsite, it may take only 6 to 10 hours to return home. As always, they frequently cover their mouths with their hands and do not speak to anyone. Normally, their trip home is long and arduous. They arrive tired and hungry and if their wives are home they are immediately offered food.
If the henivomou has been successful, the hunters are greeted with shouts of joy by the children who chant, "ware keki, ware keki", peccaries, peccaries!. The adult men who did not go on the hunt inspect the packages. Later the hunters will relate every phase of the almost week-long event. All animals that were spotted are mentioned.
Graphic descriptions of each encounter are related: how a certain animal escaped, often with an arrow stuck in it, how another bolted away just before the hunter was to release his drawn bowstring. The others listen and respond as each phrase with delight or shared frustration. Truly, it is a great moment for a hunter when he makes a direct hit on a peccary or tapir.
The women listen as they unpack the catch. The young boys are attentive to each remark, of the successes and the failures. They someday will be required to carry out the critical duty of providing meat to their fellow villagers.
Some will enter into son-in-law relationship which will entail primarily hunting for their parents-in-law. That is, they are on the lookout at all times for game animals.
Even after carrying out a raid on another village they often take extra time to hunt on their trip home. There is one other context, however, still to be described in which the men engage in hunting. This is the wayumi community trek. On these occasions the entire village abandons the shapono and sets off into the forest.
The Yanomami trek differs from that of many other tribes which usually leave people behind to care for the house Wagley ; Werner All possessions are packed and carried, for anything left behind could be stolen by others who might visit in their absence. The men move ahead of the rest carrying only their bows and arrows so that they can shoot any animals they might encounter. The women carry large packs with all the family possessions, as well as the very small children.
Therefore, the group moves very slowly and stops frequently to rest along the trail. The purpose of the wayumi is to arrive at a place in the forest where there is a concentration of food. Normally, the community sets out when the gardens have become exhausted of plantains ready to harvest. Most of the treks last 3 to 6 weeks, so by the time they return home there are some 82 plantains which are ready to eat. Since plantains provide the bulk of the food while living at the garden sites, their availability is critical, and when they are depleted the community must look for food in the forest.
Nevertheless, there are other motivations for initiating a wayumi. There are certain times when a community wishes to set out in the forest even though there are still harvestable plantains in the garden. Most often the cause is an intravillage dispute. In these instances the 2 or 3 sub-lineages set out on wayumi in different directions. Thus, they are able to separate themselves for a number of weeks and come together again when tensions have subsided. Another reason for wishing to trek in the forest is the desire to exploit a large concentration of fruits or other foods which they know are presently available.
By removing the entire community to the site where the foods are located the added work of transporting small amounts to the communal house on a daily basis is avoided. Sometimes the food is located in an area which is too far away to carry back to the village in a single day.
The entire group then spends up to 5 or 6 days to arrive at the spot. There they make provisional shelters and camp out until the food is exhausted.
Lastly, an additional reason for initiating a wayumi is the expressed desire to hunt in a specific part of the forest which they believe to be active with game. This is 83 particularly true when a number of one-day rami hunts have failed.
The men begin to think and talk of more distant areas, ones which normally go unexploited. As will be discussed below, the hunting yields on wayumi treks are significantly higher than those at the home site. In the afternoon, particularly after a shamanistic chanting session, the men sit about and discuss the likelihood of game being present in a certain area. Others mention how they are meat-hungry naiki and how long it has been since they have had a good piece of meat.
As sentiments mount a consensus is reached to go on the wayumi. A direction is decided upon and the headman announces to the village that they will pack up and leave hokei. Frequently a community will have an area where they return every 6 months or year. In these cases the men will actually clear and plant a small garden so they will have plantains to eat with the meat when they camp there.
With the introduction of fishhooks and line some groups now camp out near the rivers to fish for a number of days. Also at these riverine sites it is common for them to make a small garden so that they will have plantains to accompany the fish. When traveling on a wayumi trek the group stops in the early afternoon to make camp.
Since the children and elderly people cannot travel long distances, the group does not try to cover a great deal of ground in a day. As soon as the group stops, everyone immediately begins to clear the 84 site and gather materials for the provisional shelter yano or hatho nahi.
Since it takes only an hour for two people to erect a yano it is of little consequence to have to make a new one each night as the group moves through the forest. The structure consists of 6 saplings and a dozen or so cross bars on the roof to support the platanillo leaves which are simply laid on the sticks and weighted down with other branches quickly cut from the closest tree.
The communal shapono on the other hand is much more elaborate with woven leaf roof as high as 30 feet off the ground, all done to last for at least two years and as many as five. The most time consuming part of constructing the provisional vano is the gathering of leaves for the roof. Frequently the women will carry these leaves on to the next campsite to avoid spending time getting new ones. As soon as the man has cut poles and erected the frame of the structure he sets off into the forest to hunt, leaving his wife to finish the roof.
The major attraction of moving to a new area of the forest is that it has not been hunted for many months and the hunter firmly believes that game must be present in abundance.
This is another reason why they make camp early in the afternoon, to allow some daylight hours to hunt the area before moving on in the morning. Normally, the group spends only one night at each site for the first week or so. Finally, when the desired area is 85 reached the campsite is made with a little more care, for they will be there for as long as 2 weeks.
The individual shelters are constructed in a pattern more closely approximating a circle. More ground area is cleared of undergrowth and larger stacks of firewood are accumulated by the women. The men also engage in more intensive hunting at the principal wayumi camp.
While the women are gathering foods the men set off early in the morning to hunt the new area. They return earlier in the day than they normally do at the garden site both because they do not have to travel far, and secondly, because the area is less familiar to them and they therefore, like to get back well before dark.
Once the principal wayumi site is established the men sometimes initiate a multiple-day henivomou hunt. This takes them into even more remote areas than the wayumi camp. Although the vaikou hunts frequently take place in and around the gardens, very few animals are killed in the gardens. The animal that is frequently attracted to the garden clearing is the brocket deer Mazama nemoriaqa , which is extremely elusive and undesirable for meat for the Yanomami.
Instead, vaikou hunts take place in the primary forest near the shapono with roosting birds as the principal prey. Hames incorrectly states that pokorami, a Yanomami name, is a Ye'kwana term. This is not to be confused with bride service, a term appropriate for some other societies but not for the Yanomami.
The Yanomami term for a young man who has entered into a betrothal relationship is siyohamou which derives from siyoha, son-in-law and the action suffix mou which indicates "the activity of". Thus, when a man acts as a 86 son-in-law he has accepted the girl as she has accepted him , and he begins to act as a "married" man, that is, as a son-in-law. Likewise the girl's parents begin to treat him as a son-in-law. They give him food, tobacco, firewood, hammocks, etc.
Of course if he kills an animal or collects some fruit he is expected to share them with his parents-in-law. In no way is this considered a "service". In fact, the young man, especially if he is from a different village, receives more than he contributes. In figure 13, the extent of the different areas for Hasupiwetheri can be compared.
Table 5, shows the number of days spent per year by two communities Hasupiwstheri and Patahamit heri at various sites from to While the home base, which consists of the shapono and the adjacent gardens, is the base for community activities, in both villages it was occupied only a little more than half of the time.
During this time the only contact with the shapono at the home base area A was to return to harvest bananas and plantains to eat while working on the new garden. Hunting yields at the various locales suggest that game productivity is an important factor in village relocations. Hunting areas of Hasupiwetheri Residence time in the sub-areas occupied in the course of the yearly round for two v llages.
Based on days of observation of the Hasupiwet eri and days of the Patahamit eri from to Hasupiwetheri Patahamitheri Areaa no. In the case of the new garden, as well as x PAGE 11 the treks, it appears that the men plant at a rate with the idea in mind that they will be absent from their home base for periods of time or relocate in approximately two years.
Chagnon 1 PAGE 13 2 PAGE 14 3 This hypothesis fails to consider why the Yanomami have not developed the requisite political institutions for resolving intra-village disputes that in other parts of the Orinoco-Axnazon region allowed the formation of villages of 1, or more people Carneiro I, ; Roosevelt Given the absence of domesticated animals, the low productivity of the interfluvial tropical forest with respect to game animals, the negligible contribution which fishing has traditionally made to their diet, and their reliance on plantains and bananas as staple crops, the Yanomami do not have the option of living in larger and more PAGE 15 4 permanent settlements.
At the time of my arrival, Hasupiwet eri had already established a new garden about a half day walk i. This old garden is located on the banks of the Orinoco River between the Guajaribo and Penascal rapids approximately meters above sea level figure 2. Invariably the Hasupiwet n eri were away at their new gardens when I returned, and I spent 1 to 3 weeks alone until they arrived, usually after one of the younger men had discovered that I was back.
Because the Yanomami are traditionally non-riverine even today communities that reside on major waterways are the exception , I decided that Hasupiwet eri would serve as a point of departure for research in communities further PAGE 18 7 Figure 2. Garden sites occupied by Hasupiwet n eri , Poreyanimopitheri , and Patahamitheri from to PAGE 19 8 inland. While learning Yanomami language and measuring, for comparison their subsistence as an example of a riverine group, I also used my stay with the Hasupiwetheri to acquire guides and informants and to prepare for expeditions south to contact communities in the Siapa River region see figure 3.
The tasks of making several trips downriver, installing myself with the Hasupiwet h eri at Hashaawe, and learning a minimum amount of language consumed the first 5 months in the field. In April , I accompanied a group of Hasupiwet h eri on a trip to the Kopariwet n eri where I was the first nonYanomami to make contact with them.
The community consisted of inhabitants and was made up of 2 lineages: the Mokaritat n eri and the Ashitowet n eri. The Kopariwet a eri, because of their size and location, would served as the large non-riverine group.
On this first trip inland I began to acguire information on their genealogical relationships and garden histories and made plans to return for purposes of collecting subsistence data. In addition, I was able on the trip to determine the settlement pattern of numerous villages further south of the Kopariwetaeri, most of which belong to a related group of uncontacted communities known collectively as the Shamat h ari.
PAGE 22 11 The Hasupiwet h eri , as it turned out, could be regarded not only as a riverine settlement, but also as a non-riverine village, for they later moved to the new inland garden sites at Poreyanimopi and later still to Wawatoi figure 2. The furthest that Yanomami men go to cover their modesty is to wear little more than string around their waist, to which they tie the stretched out foreskins of their penises.
Within Yanomami society it is a clear indication that a boy has come of age when he begins to practice the custom of tying his penis to his waist string. Like their men, the Yanomami women also use cotton yarn to make what you might loosely term as clothing. They make pretty waistbands that look delightful but cover next to nothing, and halter-neck style adornments that cross between the breasts and the middle of the back.
Yanomami men and women perform very different and specific roles within their society. The women, not the men, leave around 3pm or 4pm everyday to travel miles to collect firewood and fetch water for the village, often returning in the late evening bearing enormous loads of wood in their pack baskets. Then after enduring hours of this backbreaking slog they are still expected to pander to the every need of their husbands. If they do not they risk being scolded, beaten, or something worse.
On the positive side, the men do muck in from time to time. At feasts and ceremonial occasions it is the Yanomami men you will see slaving over a hot fire to produce a meal for the guests, while the women take a well-deserved rest. For food, the Yanomami eat most of what the jungle can offer, which is quite a wide variety of foods. They feast on all kinds off edible fare ranging from snakes, wild pigs, monkeys, deer, and jaguars to varieties of insects, larvae, fish, crabs, wild honey, plantain, sweet potato, and palm fruits.
By world health standards, the Yanomami enjoy a high standard of living. Hutukara has released aerial photos and video of their yano — their communal house. The Moxihatetea live in a region of the Yanomami territory with the highest concentration of illegal goldminers, some of whom are operating only kilometers from the yano. Contact with the miners could be very dangerous for the Moxihatetea, as violent conflict could erupt.
The miners also spread malaria and other diseases, which could be fatal for the Moxihatetea who will not have built up immunity to common diseases.
In the Yanomami demanded the authorities investigate reports that miners murdered two Moxihatetea. But no miners have been brought to account. It is really important for all Indians, including the uncontacted Indians, to stay on the land where we were born.
As a result of increasing contact and interaction with outsiders and faced with serious attacks on their rights, the Yanomami have formed regional organizations to advocate for their rights. Yanomami in Venezuela formed their own organization called Horonami in and Yanomami in other regions in both countries have set up similar organizations. Survival has supported the Yanomami for decades. We have also supported their health and education projects. Please join us! Use this kit to spread the word and push for change.
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Yanomami mother and child alongside the river. A Yanomami maloca. Yanomami boy in the rainforest, Brazil. Shamans can cure the disease of the forests. Davi Kopenawa on shamanism. A Yanomami shaman. Uncontacted Yanomami yano communal house in the Brazilian Amazon, photographed from the air in A Yanomami boy paddles his canoe back to his village in the Brazilian Amazon.
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